如此夜晚：论苏轼作品中关于月光描写的渊源外文翻译资料

ON SUCH A NIGHT: A CONSIDERATION OF THE ANTECEDENTS OF THE MOON IN SU SHIHrsquo;S WRITINGS

A.R. Davis

Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia, Vol.12 (1977): 69–87.

Any anthology of the shih-poetry of Su Shih (1037–1101) will select at least one of the three poems which he wrote for the midshy;-autumn moon of 1078; any anthology of his tzrsquo;u poems will certainly contain the “Water Music” of the mid-autumn of 1076. The list of Su Shihrsquo;s inspiration from the moon may be lengthened, but these indisputably famous works alone would suffice as testishy;mony to the potent magic of moonlight for him.

The particular treatment of the mid-autumn moon naturally embraces much of the general Chinese vision of the moon. It is necessary, therefore, to show something of the sources of the conventions for representing the moon at any season as well as looking at the traditions for celebrating the mid-autumn. I hesitate to add the word “festival” and I must explain why. In books which describe Chinese festivals in their recent form one may find the Mid-Autumn Festival standing with other annual festivals as a regular part of the moon-year.

Since my concern is with literature, I make no attempt in general to join in the speculation on the possible antiquity and origins of the Mid-Autumn Festival, but I believe that I can state that in the literary tradition the fifteenth of the eighth month of the lunar calendar is a later arrival than the Double Third and Double Ninth. These latter are well-established festal days to be celebrated with poems in the period between Han and Trsquo;ang, but the Mid-Autumn is not. It is significant that the Trsquo;ang encyclopedias which draw so much of their material from the pre-Trsquo;ang period, as well as the Trsquo;ai-prsquo;ing yuuml;-lan of the beginning of Sung, do not include entries for the fifteenth of the eighth month. This day, or rather night, seems only to become established in the poetrsquo;s calendar during the Trsquo;ang period. A Sung writer named Chu Pien (d. 1148; he was uncle to the great Neo-Confucian philosopher Chu Hsi, 1130–1200) in his Chrsquo;uuml;-yu chiu wen places the beginning of the tradition with Tu Fu (712–770).While one must take away the historical priority from Tu Fu and give it on the evidence I have seen thus far to an earlier minor Trsquo;ang poet Li Chrsquo;iao (645–714), if one has regard for the greatness of Tu Fursquo;s influence, Chu Pienrsquo;s statement may not be substantially incorrect. A poet who was very important in carrying forward the tradition was Tu Fursquo;s admirer, Po Chuuml;-i (772–846). We should first, however, look on earlier appearances of the moon and begin at the beginning with the Book of Songs. In fact, I would say that the Book of Songs contributed very little to the conventions of Chinese moon poems. Yet being what it is, the first anthology of Chinese poetry and later one of the books which Confucianism made canonical, there was always the possibility of a kind of nodding reference, in particular to Songs 99 and 143. Both of these are love-songs and the moon may have a symbolic value here, though in the first case it would represent the beauty of the lover, while in the second, rather more appropriately, the beauty of the beloved. Whether this is really so or not, the Han Confucianists turned these love-songs into a quite different symbolism of ruler and minister, and as such they were less useful in the tradition of moon poems, which began thereafter to grow.

When we come to the second corpus of Chinese poetry in the Chrsquo;u-tzrsquo;u, which contains work from the third century B.C. to the second century A.D., the moon has now acquired its conventional epithet of “bright” and also something of its overtones of melanshy;choly which will become apparent in the tradition I am tracing here; e.g. in the third poem of the series Chiu pien: “I look up at the bright moon and deeply sigh”. But besides these beginnings of emotional colouring, we also find in the Chrsquo;u-tzrsquo;u, in the Trsquo;ien wen, a word which propounds questions on the apparent riddles of the universe, mention of certain of the characteristics and of the fauna of the moon, which were to become constant reference in later moon poems.

Even if the Trsquo;ien wen were younger than its traditional dating in the beginning of the third century B.C., the list of the fauna and other inhabitants of the moon is largely completed by the second century A.D. in the Han works, Huai-nan tzu and Ling hsien. The former was produced by Liu An, prince of Huai-nan, and his court in the later part of the second century B.C. and the latter by Chang Heng (A.D.78–139). Besides the Trsquo;ien wenrsquo;s hare, which in a third century A.D. imitation of the Trsquo;ien wen is said to pound drugs of immortality, there is another animal, a toad. In the Huai-nan tzu[8] the toad in the moon appears as a counterpart to the three-legged crow in the sun, while in the Ling hsien toad and hare appear together and are described as being produced from the concentrated essence of the yin, of which the moon itself is made. They are thus a very reasonable part-for-whole substitute and so they are already found to be functioning in the seventeenth of the anonymous series of Han lyrics, theNineteen Old Poems:On the fifteenth night the bright moon is full;On the twentieth night the toad and hare are waning.From here on they are used singly or together in moon poems as recurrent vocabulary.

The Huai-nan tzu also provides us with a moon goddess, Heng O (later more commonly Chrsquo;ang O), who stole the drug of immortality which her husband, the archer I (famous for his removal of nine of the original ten suns when they came out together and threatened to burn up the world) had obtained from Hsi-wang-mu, fled to the moon and became moon essence. The final recurri

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如此夜晚：论苏轼作品中关于月光描写的渊源

有关苏轼（1037-1101）的任何诗集至少都会选录他在1078年写的三首中秋月诗中的一首;他的任何词文集肯定会包括他在1076年写中秋的那首《水调歌头》。有关苏轼从月亮中获得的灵感的列表可以一直被延长，然而仅这些无可争议的名篇就足以有力的证明月光给他的魔力。

中国人对中秋之月的特别对待自然包含了中国人对月亮的普遍观点。因此，必须反映，任何季节都欣赏月亮的习俗的起源以及庆祝中秋的传统。我毫不犹豫地加上了“节”这个字，但我必须解释原因。在描述中国近年来节日形式的书里，你会发现中秋节和其他一年一度的节日同在。

由于我关心的是文学，我无意推测中秋节的历史和起源，但我相信我可以陈述清楚文学传统中的农历八月十五是比上巳节和重阳节更晚产生。在汉唐期间，这些后来出现节日被很好的创立并且有诗文的写作庆祝，但中秋节是没有的。这是很明显的，吸收了唐代之前那么多丰富材料的《唐会要》，以及宋初的《太平御览》都没有包括关于八月十五的描写。这一天，或者说是这一夜，看似仅仅在唐代诗人的日历中被创造了。一个宋代的作家朱弁（他是宋代伟大理学家朱熹的叔叔）在他的文章中写下了这个传统的开始，人们不得不把杜甫的历史优先级让给更早的唐代诗人李峤，但是如果此人受杜甫作品的影响巨大，那有可能文章就不是完全正确的。但是有一个诗人，他作为杜甫的崇拜者，在推进这一传统的过程中发挥着非常重要的作用，他就是白居易。但我们首先得明白，有关于月亮的最早的出现和开始是在诗经里面。但实际上，诗经对月亮在中国诗作里的描写没有起到很大的贡献。然而，毕竟它是，中国诗歌的第一部总集，并且后来成为儒家经典之一，总是有一种值得参考的可能性，特别是第99和第143。这些都是爱的歌曲，月亮会在这里有一个象征性的价值，虽然在第一种情况下，它代表着情人的美丽，而在第二首里更可能是被爱的美人。不管这是不是真的，汉儒们把这些爱情歌曲解释为与之很不相同的礼教和道德的象征，因此它们在此后有关月亮的诗歌传统形成中贡献很小。

当我们谈及中国诗歌的第二个语料库—楚辞，其中涵盖了从公元前三世纪到公园二世纪，“月”此时已经有了“亮”的含义，成了“月亮”。例如在《九辩》第三篇的那一句“仰明月而太息兮”。但除了这些富有感情色彩的开始，我们还发现了楚辞《天问》篇天文方面提出的问题，有关于月亮和宇宙，这也成为了后来月亮诗恒定的参考。到后来，淮南子给我们描绘了一个月亮女神，姮娥（后来被称作嫦娥），他偷吃了他的丈夫后羿（当天上十日并出，世界受到威胁时他以上射九日而闻名）从西王母那里得来的长生不老药，飞上了月亮。此后月亮诗和月亮的传说其实也是起源于淮南子，例如“月亮上的桂树”。《太平御览》引用到：“月亮上有一个桂树。”但这句话的来源我无法在本文中确定。吴刚的名字和故事最早出现在九世纪段成式所著《酉阳杂俎》中。“月亮上的桂树不断的生长，受到砍伐还是会不断的长回来”，中国诗歌中最早提及吴刚的故事的是杜甫在寒食节写给他妻子的《一百五日夜对月》一诗中我们可以读到：

无家对寒食，有泪如金波。斫却月中桂，清光应更多。仳离放红蕊，想像嚬青蛾。牛女漫愁思，秋期犹渡河。

即使传统的天文方面的知识要比公元前三世纪的这些还要更早出现。月亮上的动物和他们的这些习性主要是在公元二世纪汉朝时出现的，在淮南子和刘恒的作品当中，他们的作品在公元前二世纪晚一点出现。除了天问中出现的动物是模仿公元三世纪故事里三条腿的蛤蟆，而且月亮被看成是“阴”的精华，从汉朝的歌赋中可以看出来，如古诗十九首：

三五明月满，四五蟾兔缺。

从这里我们可以看出他们经常在月亮诗中用到周期性的词汇。我认为这个无题诗可以入选中国任何写月的诗集。它包含这一类诗的两个显明的特点：无眠的夜和分离的凄凉。这些旧体诗引领了接下来两个世纪这一类诗的主题，这里我们必须引出一个例子，就是曹丕，在他的诗歌中乡愁被加以强化，这在有关月亮的诗歌传统中尤为突出。

秋风萧瑟天气凉，草木摇落露为霜。

群燕辞归雁南翔，念君客游思断肠。

慊慊思归恋故乡，君何淹留寄他方？

贱妾茕茕守空房，忧来思君不敢忘，不觉泪下沾衣裳。

援琴鸣弦发清商，短歌微吟不能长。

明月皎皎照我床，星汉西流夜未央。

牵牛织女摇踵望，尔独何辜限河梁？

曹丕的诗没有确切的标题，只是像《古诗十九首》中的诗歌一样仅被冠以杂体诗。我们由此转向一篇作品，毋庸置疑它是一种传统的开始，并且植根于苏轼的内心。

壬戌之秋，七月既望，苏子与客泛舟游于赤壁之下。清风徐来，水波不兴。举酒属客，诵明月之诗，歌窈窕之章。少焉，月出于东山之上，徘徊于斗牛之间。白露横江，水光接天。纵一苇之所如，凌万顷之茫然。浩浩乎如冯虚御风，而不知其所止；飘飘乎如遗世独立，羽化而登仙。

于是饮酒乐甚，扣舷而歌之。歌曰：“桂棹兮兰桨，击空明兮溯流光。渺渺兮予怀，望美人兮天一方。”客有吹洞箫者，倚歌而和之。其声呜呜然，如怨如慕，如泣如诉，余音袅袅，不绝如缕。舞幽壑之潜蛟，泣孤舟之嫠妇。

苏子愀然，正襟危坐而问客曰：“何为其然也？”客曰：“lsquo;月明星稀，乌鹊南飞rsquo;，此非曹孟德之诗乎？西望夏口，东望武昌，山川相缪，郁乎苍苍，此非孟德之困于周郎者乎？方其破荆州，下江陵，顺流而东也，舳舻千里，旌旗蔽空，酾酒临江，横槊赋诗，固一世之雄也，而今安在哉？况吾与子渔樵于江渚之上，侣鱼虾而友麋鹿，驾一叶之扁舟，举匏樽以相属。寄蜉蝣于天地，渺沧海之一粟。哀吾生之须臾，羡长江之无穷。挟飞仙以遨游，抱明月而长终。知不可乎骤得，托遗响于悲风。”

苏子曰：“客亦知夫水与月乎？逝者如斯，而未尝往也；盈虚者如彼，而卒莫消长也。盖将自其变者而观之，则天地曾不能以一瞬；自其不变者而观之，则物与我皆无尽也。而又何羡乎！且夫天地之间，物各有主，苟非吾之所有，虽一毫而莫取。惟江上之清风，与山间之明月，耳得之而为声，目遇之而成色，取之无禁，用之不竭，是造物者之无尽藏也，而吾与子之所共适。

客喜而笑，洗盏更酌。肴核既尽，杯盘狼籍。相与枕藉乎舟中，不知东方之既白。

这个故事的某些版本一定为苏轼所知，这影响了他对月球地形的概念，月宫的极度寒冷给他留下了深刻的印象。这似乎是一个中国大诗人的一个很好的例子，他尝试在自觉继承传统的同时，开发新资源以拓展传统。现存苏轼词中，涉及“月”意象的词作凡 88 首，其中“月”意象出现的频率更是高达 121 次以上。这些“月”既是词人托意寄怀、惜别思乡的寄托，又是词人抒发人生哲悟的感悟，还是我们寻觅词人仕途踪迹的向导。

传统观念在中国诗歌中并非独一无二，就像在其他文化中一样，它是时代和个体交织而成的一根线。然而，在小诗人中这是一根非常粗的线，仿佛可以压倒诗人和时空。

最后，我想谈谈我对苏轼最为著名并且经常被翻译的一首诗的看法，它不是一首中秋诗，而是写在1082年七月满月之后的一天。没人能否认苏轼和北宋时期的显著特点，但我希望我的论文能为读者更敏锐地理解之前的传统抛砖引玉。

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