Psychological Androgyny and Childrenrsquo;s Mental Health: A New Look with New Measures（节选）

原文出处：

Springer Science Business Media New York 2016

Production and hosting by Rachel E. Pauletti amp; Meenakshi Menon amp; Patrick J. Cooper amp; Christopher D. Aults amp; David G. Perry

According to Bem (1981), psychological androgyny—perceiv- ing the self to possess characteristics of both genders—develops in people who experience little social pressure to conform to the gender stereotypes prevalent in their culture. Because androgy- nous persons feel free to engage in both same-gender and other- gender behaviors, they base their actions on personal interests, goals, temperaments, and competencies rather than on gender appropriateness. The wide range of behavioral options psycho- logically available to them increases their chances for a happy, fulfilling life. Even though androgynous persons acknowledge having qualities of both genders, their androgyny is not neces- sarily motivated by a desire to be similar to both genders; indeed, gender is presumed to be irrelevant to their behavior and self- definition. In contrast, people who experience strong pressure for gender conformity are expected to develop a pervasive and per- nicious gender schema—a predisposition to perceive the world through a gendered lens, to classify behavioral options in terms of gender appropriateness, to adopt same-gender-stereotyped attributes and eschew other-gender ones, to view themselves as either masculine or feminine, and to behave in ways that rein- force their single-gender identity. Because their gender schema predisposes them to forgo potentially satisfying cross-gender op- tions, it may cause frustration and unhappiness.

Research on Bemrsquo;s (1981, 1993) theory has yielded am- biguous support for her ideas, owing mainly to limitations of the measures of gender identity (self-perceptions of female- typical and male-typical attributes, or of femininity and mas- culinity, respectively) that she and others have used. The pres- ent article reports two studies with preadolescent and early adolescent children (collectively referred to as Bchildren^hereafter) that examine Bemrsquo;s theorizing using new measures of gender identity, as described later. Study 1 examines wheth- er androgyny is associated with greater self-esteem, fewer peer-reported internalizing symptoms, and less felt pressure for gender differentiation than other patterns of gender identi- ty. Study 2 examines whether androgyny is associated with fewer sexist beliefs. Together, the studies provide information about the relation of androgyny not only to adjustment (self- esteem, internalizing symptoms) but also to forms of gender- polarizing cognition that reflect the gender schema about which Bem spoke (felt pressure for gender differentiation, sexist beliefs).

In most research testing Bemrsquo;s (1974, 1981, 1985) ideas, self-perception of expressive traits is used to assess self- perceived femininity, and self-perception of instrumental traits is used to infer self-perceived masculinity. Individuals who rate themselves high on both sets of traits are defined as an- drogynous; persons who view themselves as having more same-gender traits than other-gender traits (e.g., females who see themselves as more expressive than instrumental) are defined as gender-typed; those who view themselves as having more other-gender than same-gender traits are defined as cross-gender-typed; and those who view themselves as having few traits of either sort are said to be undifferentiated. Androgynous persons are presumed to lack a gender schema and thus to be relatively well adjusted and free of gender- polarizing beliefs. Gender-typed and cross-gender-typed per- sons are believed to be gender schematic and at risk for ad- justment problems and gender-polarizing cognition. Undifferentiated persons are believed to lack a gender schema but to be at risk for adjustment difficulties for other reasons (e.g., having impoverished behavioral repertoires).

Numerous studies of both adults and children have ex- plored adjustment differences among the four categories of persons. Some studies have found androgynous persons to be better adjusted (e.g., to have higher self-esteem) than per- sons of the other groups (Bem 1981; Block 1973; Boldizar 1991; Hall and Halberstadt 1980), but another common result has been to find instrumental traits but not expressive traits to predict healthy adjustment for people of both genders (Aube et al. 1995; Spence and Hall 1996; Whitley 1983). These results suggest that there are benefits to possessing both ex- pressive and instrumental traits, but they also suggest that instrumental traits outweigh expressive traits in importance, perhaps owing to the greater utilitarian value of instrumental competencies in our individualistic culture. (In this article, all studies cited were conducted with U.S. samples unless other- wise noted.)

Although important, these findings cannot be taken as un- ambiguous support for Bemrsquo;s (1993) theory. A central problem is that many adults, and probably many children, do not view expressive and instrumental traits as indicators of their gender typicality (i.e., their femininity or masculinity; Spence and Helmreich 1980). In fact, self-ratings on expressive and instru- mental traits correlate minimally with self-ratings on the adjec- tives Bfeminine^ and Bmasculine^ (Pedhazur and Tetenbaum

1979). This is especially likely today because the ge

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2020届英文翻译

题 目: 心理双性化与儿童心理健康：一些新措施的新视角（节选）

英文原文

Psychological Androgyny and Childrenrsquo;s Mental Health: A New Look with New Measures（节选）

原文出处：

Springer Science Business Media New York 2016

Production and hosting by Rachel E. Pauletti amp; Meenakshi Menon amp; Patrick J. Cooper amp; Christopher D. Aults amp; David G. Perry

According to Bem (1981), psychological androgyny—perceiv- ing the self to possess characteristics of both genders—develops in people who experience little social pressure to conform to the gender stereotypes prevalent in their culture. Because androgy- nous persons feel free to engage in both same-gender and other- gender behaviors, they base their actions on personal interests, goals, temperaments, and competencies rather than on gender appropriateness. The wide range of behavioral options psycho- logically available to them increases their chances for a happy, fulfilling life. Even though androgynous persons acknowledge having qualities of both genders, their androgyny is not neces- sarily motivated by a desire to be similar to both genders; indeed, gender is presumed to be irrelevant to their behavior and self- definition. In contrast, people who experience strong pressure for gender conformity are expected to develop a pervasive and per- nicious gender schema—a predisposition to perceive the world through a gendered lens, to classify behavioral options in terms of gender appropriateness, to adopt same-gender-stereotyped attributes and eschew other-gender ones, to view themselves as either masculine or feminine, and to behave in ways that rein- force their single-gender identity. Because their gender schema predisposes them to forgo potentially satisfying cross-gender op- tions, it may cause frustration and unhappiness.

Research on Bemrsquo;s (1981, 1993) theory has yielded am- biguous support for her ideas, owing mainly to limitations of the measures of gender identity (self-perceptions of female- typical and male-typical attributes, or of femininity and mas- culinity, respectively) that she and others have used. The pres- ent article reports two studies with preadolescent and early adolescent children (collectively referred to as Bchildren^hereafter) that examine Bemrsquo;s theorizing using new measures of gender identity, as described later. Study 1 examines wheth- er androgyny is associated with greater self-esteem, fewer peer-reported internalizing symptoms, and less felt pressure for gender differentiation than other patterns of gender identi- ty. Study 2 examines whether androgyny is associated with fewer sexist beliefs. Together, the studies provide information about the relation of androgyny not only to adjustment (self- esteem, internalizing symptoms) but also to forms of gender- polarizing cognition that reflect the gender schema about which Bem spoke (felt pressure for gender differentiation, sexist beliefs).

In most research testing Bemrsquo;s (1974, 1981, 1985) ideas, self-perception of expressive traits is used to assess self- perceived femininity, and self-perception of instrumental traits is used to infer self-perceived masculinity. Individuals who rate themselves high on both sets of traits are defined as an- drogynous; persons who view themselves as having more same-gender traits than other-gender traits (e.g., females who see themselves as more expressive than instrumental) are defined as gender-typed; those who view themselves as having more other-gender than same-gender traits are defined as cross-gender-typed; and those who view themselves as having few traits of either sort are said to be undifferentiated. Androgynous persons are presumed to lack a gender schema and thus to be relatively well adjusted and free of gender- polarizing beliefs. Gender-typed and cross-gender-typed per- sons are believed to be gender schematic and at risk for ad- justment problems and gender-polarizing cognition. Undifferentiated persons are believed to lack a gender schema but to be at risk for adjustment difficulties for other reasons (e.g., having impoverished behavioral repertoires).

Numerous studies of both adults and children have ex- plored adjustment differences among the four categories of persons. Some studies have found androgynous persons to be better adjusted (e.g., to have higher self-esteem) than per- sons of the other groups (Bem 1981; Block 1973; Boldizar 1991; Hall and Halberstadt 1980), but another common result has been to find instrumental traits but not expressive traits to predict healthy adjustment for people of both genders (Aube et al. 1995; Spence and Hall 1996; Whitley 1983). These results suggest that there are benefits to possessing both ex- pressive and instrumental traits, but they also suggest that instrumental traits outweigh expressive traits in importance, perhaps owing to the greater utilitarian value of instrumental competencies in our individualistic culture. (In this article, all studies cited were conducted with U.S. samples unless oth

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